Physics Homework Help


# Description Question

1.  Write one paragraph with some information about the feast or saint . . . why does the church celebrate this feast or honor this person?  For saints, are they the patron of any groups of people?  For feasts, what season of the liturgical year is it in?  You can just Google to find this information, and you can even just copy something if you can find something short and good.  But you MUST MUST MUST cite your source(s) of information!  You will read this to the class on the day it is your turn.

2.  Write or find a prayer appropriate to the saint of feast.  Again, you may Google and copy.  Again, you MUST cite your source of information!  On the day it is your turn, you will EITHER lead us in this prayer OR ask someone else to do so on your behalf.

See Prof. Eloe's example from Jan. 19 for the sort of thing you are being asked to do.

For the feast or saint on the day you chose:
Assignment 1



PEEN6004- Fundamentals of Reservoir Engineering




Chapter 2 – Basic Concepts in Reservoir Engineering


Important note:
-   All the students are to answer ALL questions.  



Question 1.1


The vertical exploration well Genesis-1 was drilled to a total depth of 12,500 ft offshore in the Canning Basin. During drilling no gas was found to be present in the mud but oil florescence was seen in the drill cuttings.


Prior to running the 9 5/8 inch casing string it was decided to run the modular dynamic tester (MDT) in the open hole over the sand body to help confirm the fluids present in the reservoir identified earlier from well logs.


The data obtained from the MDT survey is provided in Table 1. The data was measured “Relative to Kelly Bushing” (RKB) which was 75 ft above the mean sea level (MSL).


You are required to carry out the following. Remember, your answers should be in Field Units.


1.    Identify the fluid contacts present (if any) across the formation, with depths referenced to a sub-sea (SS) datum. 50%


2.    Calculate the various fluid gradients and densities.40%


3.    Comment on the hydrostatic pressure regime of the reservoir.10%








































Table 1. MDT survey data


Question 1.2


An offshore exploration well was drilled 100km North of Rottnest Island, in 100ft water depth, to a total depth of 3,200 ftSS. The well was logged, cased and perforated across the interval of 2,700 to 2,780 ftSS. The well produced quite steadily 1,000 barrels of oil at a water cut of 5% and a constant GOR of 300 scf/stb over a period of 8 hours.


From well logs it has been confirmed that the oil water contact is at 2,800 ftSS. An MDT survey was performed across the formation; however, only two pressure measurements were made due to tool problems.















Specific gravity of the gas produced was 0.7 relative to air at 14.7psia and 60oF and the gas deviation factor is nearly constant at 0.825 across the pressure interval of 1,150 to 1,200psia. Reservoir water was tested at surface and the density was found to be 65.40lb/ft3 with a formation volume factor of 1.022. API gravity of stock tank oil is 25.


You are required to


1.    Identify the gas oil contact. 70%

2.    Estimate the height of the oil column. 30%

Question 1.3


Analyse the reservoir production data in Table 1 and then:


·         Calculate the Stock Tank Oil Initially in Place (STOIIP) from the geologist’s volumetric estimate given in Table 2. 20%

·         Identify the drive mechanism(s) occurring during production. 45%

·         Estimate the bubble point pressure and Rsi and determine whether the reservoir is saturated or undersaturated. 25

·         Calculate the recovery factor and comment on whether this value is typical of the drive mechanism interpreted from the production data. 10%



Average Reservoir Pressure

Oil Rate

Water Rate

Gas Rate


Oil Production

Water Production

Gas Production

































































































































Table 1. Reservoir Production Data


Porosity (f) =



Swr =



Boi =






Thickness (h) =



Area (A) =










Table 2. Volumetric Data



Question 1.4


Emerald oil field has been discovered 50 km off the shoreline in the North-West Shelf of Western Australia in a water depth of 100 meters. Initial seismic interpretations have revealed that the reservoir is divided into two sections by a fault (Figure 1). In the first month of discovery Well A was drilled into the western flank of the structure but no traces of hydrocarbon were found. After further seismic data analysis it was decided to drill a second well (Well B) into the other side of the fault (eastern flank). From the mud-log analysis and well log interpretations it has been revealed the structure on the east side of fault contains commercially producible volumes of oil and gas. Therefore it is believed that the fault running through the structure is a sealing fault.


Top view of the structure


Cross section A-A






Well B


Well A






Well B


Well A



Figure 1 (figures are for illustration purposes only and not to scale)



While drilling Well A, a single pressure measurement was performed. At depth of 5,500 ftss the pressure was measured to be 2,534.7 psia. From the well logs run in Well B, OWC has been detected to be at 5,700 ftss. Two further pressure data were also recorded in Well B (Table 1)



Depth (ftss)

Pressure (psia)





Table 1


From the PVT analysis performed on the fluid samples taken from both wells the following data were obtained:











Gas expansion factor (E)



Gas specific gravity (surface conditions)



Oil specific gravity (surface conditions)



Water surface density



Table 2


a.    Identify the gas-oil contact (GOC)? 80%

b.    A well test program performed on Well B produced oil with a constant flowrate of 7,000 stb/d and a corresponding gas flowrate of 10 MMscf/d. Calculate the production GOR? Then based on the GOR value you just calculated and with the knowledge that the aquifer support for the reservoir is considered to be weak, what advice you would have for the production engineer to help him/her to prevent fast decline in reservoir pressure? 20%


-       Assume there is perfect regional aquifer connectivity.

-       Both drilled wells were vertical.

4 questions needs to be done asap

Question 1.


(10 points) Read the following job description for an Applications Engineering Manager.  Develop a list of two interpersonal skills and two technical skills that you believe would be critical in this job, based on the description provided.  For each of the four skills, develop one (1) behavioral interview probe that you could use to interview job candidates.


Job Description for Applications Engineering Manager I


We seek a candidate who has successfully driven product development engineering activities in an industrial manufacturing environment (idea submission through post launch review).


Essential Duties & Responsibilities:


·         Leads cross-functional teams in the development and execution of detailed project plans, using MS Project.

·         Schedules and leads cross-functional team meetings to achieve focus on project milestones and deliverables.

·         Tracks and maintains project budgets, including, capital, expense and human resource time.

·         Prepares summary reports for management to communicate project status.

·         Supervisory responsibility for 4 – 10 application engineers

Desired candidate must possess:


·         5-10 years of work experience with 3-5 years experience leading new product development programs.

·         Successful track record of managing cross functional teams.

·         Experience working closely with global sourcing groups.

·         Intermediate level working knowledge of MS Project and MS Office software.

·         BS degree in a technical field, preferably Manufacturing, Industrial, or Mechanical Engineering.

·         Formal training in Project Management, Project Management Professional (PMP) certification preferred.

·         3-5 years experience in an industrial manufacturing organization.



Question 2


(15 points) The company in Question 1 would like you to create a new performance review form for this employee. The company is trying to reduce the amount of time that is devoted to performance reviews and would like you to focus the review on the three most critical areas of performance.


1.      Based on the job description in Question 1, define three (3) areas of evaluation for a performance review form, with an appropriate scale.  In your answer, define how you would evaluate performance.  (For example, how would you determine how to rate the employee?)

2.      Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of your performance review form. Does it give the employee appropriate feedback, while allowing the organization to fairly assess the employee’s contribution?


Question 3


(30 points) Using the library database, search for one journal paper on factors that influence the adoption of new processes (e.g. lean, performance measurement, technology, etc.) in organizations and/or communities.


1.      Using APA notation, list the citation (end of document reference format) of the paper you have selected for review

2.      Based on the paper you read, outline four factors that influence new process adoption or change management.

3.      Use the balanced scorecard to briefly (bullet points) outline stakeholder interests and the ethical implications of adoption or rejection of new processes (i.e. how do managerial decisions impact stakeholders? Use readings on ethics as a guide to answering this question)

4.      Recall the TED talk on global power diffusion. How might the concepts discussed in the video affect the number and nature of stakeholders, their interests, and the ethical implications outlined in “c” above?


Question 4


(20 points) Read the two articles found in the document “Oregon State HEM articles.pdf” Based on your analysis of the articles, answer the following questions:

1.      What motivational theory and sub-theory is the State of Oregon utilizing? Explain your reasoning for your choices.

2.      What are some other motivational methods that could be used to achieve the desired outcome?

3.      Do you believe this is ethical behavior? Support your answer with one of the ethical rules discussed in class and in the textbook.



Question 5


(25 points) Develop and draw a pie chart of different roles that you anticipate you will have approximately 5 to 10 years in the future. Each pie piece should include a percentage to illustrate the percentage of your time that you anticipate each role will take.  When all roles are combined, the percentage should add up to 100%.


1.      Based on your role chart, describe a role conflict you may encounter. Define the term “role conflict” in your response.

2.      Describe at least two strategies that you could use to minimize the negative impact of this conflict. Include a citation for each strategy indicating a source that supports your strategy. Cite Supplemental Readings 7.1 and/or 7.2 as appropriate in your response.



How to reference

Some of the questions on this exam may require that you reference published materials.  To do this, please use in-text citations and a list of references.  For all in-text citations, use the following format: (author(s) last name, year).  At the end of your exam, include an additional page with a set of full reference listings for all published materials cited within your exam responses.  For web resources without an author, where possible and relevant, provide the URL reference to the specific document used rather than home or menu pages, for example, ( . Within the reference list include as much information as is available including: date of publication or update or date of retrieval, title or description of document, title of journal (if relevant) in italics or underlined, other relevant information (volume number, page numbers, etc.), retrieval date, and the URL (if relevant).  The following website will provide helpful information and examples about in-text citations as well as the appropriate way to format the list of references at the end of your exam. ( (Links to an external site.)



Oregon state workers file suit to block wellness program that requires confidential survey

Published: Thursday, February 16,2012, 12:37 PM Updated: Thursday, February 16, 2012, 1:09 PM


- By The Associated Press

Five Oregon state workers have asked a federal court to block a new health insurance program that requires them to fill out an online risk assessment surveyor pay a monthly penalty.

The class-action lawsuit says the wellness program coerces workers into providing personal medical information, violating their civil rights and privacy, the Salem Statesman Journal reported today.

About 85 percent of state employees have signed up, but some workers have protested. They say they should get incentives to participate, not penalties for failing to.

Those who don't sign up see $20 added to their health premium bill -- $35 for people covered as couples.

The program requires participants to take a confidential health survey and provide their waist measurement, as well as to take two online lessons on health topics of their choice. The aim is to reduce health care costs by encouraging healthy behavior.

The state and agencies are named as defendants, including the state's human resources agency, the Department of Administrative Services. Calls to the department and to the attorney general's office were not immediately returned.

Meanwhile, the Statesman Journal reported, the Public Employees' Benefit Board's directors met Thursday to consider suspending the penalties this year.

A labor-management committee backed the suspension, but the health benefits consultant Mercer said in a report to the board that the penalties should remain in place.

Otherwise, the consultant said, participation will plummet, delaying the benefits that could flow from the program and costing as much as $47 million over 10 years.


The program is known by its acronym, HEM, for the Health Engagement Model.

The suit filed in u.s. District Court in Eugene earlier this week said the penalties mean the program isn't voluntary, and state and federal laws prohibit employers from asking questions about a person's disabilities or requiring employees to take a medical examination.

The five employees are two State Police senior troopers and three corrections officers, one of whom, Sgt. Michael Van Patten, is president of the Association of Oregon Corrections Employees union.

In December, the state Employment Relations Board voted 2-1 to reject an unfair labor complaint filed by the union.

The employees said the state violated labor law by starting the program without negotiations, but the Employment Relations Board said the benefits agency had the right to enact the program.


Oregon state employees sue to reverse pay deduction for skipping health program

Published: Thursday, February 16,2012,5:56 PM Updated: Friday, February 17,2012,6:06 AM


By Les Zaitz, The Oregonian

State employees hit in the paycheck with furloughs and new insurance premiums are now crying foul over yet another new deduction -- a surcharge for skipping a program meant to improve their health and save taxpayers millions of dollars.

An estimated 7,500 workers must pay up to $420 a year because they didn't sign up for the new health program.

They're angry, and they got no relief Thursday from a state board that voted to keep the surcharge in place.

Now, the fight shifts to federal court, where two unions have sued the state contending that the surcharges and demands for medical information are illegal.

"It's basically financial extortion," said Michael Van Patten, a Corrections Department sergeant who is president of the Association of Oregon Corrections Employees. The union is part of the federal case.

But state employees are battling what is almost a norm now among private employers, who require employees to join health programs or risk paycheck deductions.

The state rolled out its Health Engagement Model last month. Employees are encouraged to adopt healthier lifestyles and can get professional help doing so. Consultants expect the state will avoid millions of dollars in insurance costs if the program works.

But consultants advised the state that it couldn't be polite about getting employees involved. Instead, the state must use a stick -- the surcharge -- to drive employees into the program. In January, employees who didn't join started seeing monthly deductions of $20 to $35 a month, with the state expecting to collect $2.7 million this year.

"There's nothing wrong about being more healthy. Nobody is disagreeing," said Van Patten. "It's how they implemented it."

Sean Kolmer, chairman of the state Public Employees' Benefits Board, acknowledged that the rollout hasn't gone smoothly.


"The communications weren't as crisp and clean as we would all have liked," Kolmer said.

But a committee of state managers and union leaders appointed by PEBB said there was more to the employee uproar than miscommunication. The new deductions came after state workers "have been asked to pick up a portion of their health care premium, take furlough days, endure a wage freeze, and face unprecedented workloads," they wrote in a report.

State employees for the first time are paying part of their health insurance premium, which costs the state $10,697 a year per employee. A typical employee is now seeing $53.59 taken out of monthly pay for that.

The committee advised the state to back off of the additional surcharge for a year, but PEBB concluded the state had to keep going to corral premium costs. The board went into its meeting Thursday with the employees' lawsuit aimed at its head.

The corrections workers union and the union for state troopers, the Oregon State Police Officers Association, sued Monday in U.S. District Court in Eugene, asking that the surcharges be stopped. State officials said they had not seen the lawsuit yet.

Darrin Phillips, troopers union president, said troopers should be paid an incentive for good health, not punished for being unhealthy. He said troopers are more worried about what may be down the road now that the state is poking its nose into troopers' health.

"As this progresses, they may get more and more stringent," Phillips said. "If you can't start meeting health standards, then you're going to start paying extra for your health care. The fear is this is just the tip of the iceberg."



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By Max Messmer, Editor

Are You Burning Out Your Best Employees?

As businesses strive to achieve greater productivity, employees are being asked to work harder than ever. "Giving 1100/0" isn't just encouraged dur­ing special projects-it has become a daily requirement. While having staff increase their efficiency can be valuable for both the company and

·     Stay connected. If you aren't already doing so, request that all staff members submit regular activity reports. They don't have to be lengthy, but these lists can help you identify potential problems early on. For instance,


a staff accountant on your team may be making small progress on a large number of projects but failing to complete several of them. In


this case, the employee may have so much on her plate that she can't spend adequate time on each initiative. You may need to step in and help prioritize or reassign part of her workload to get

things back on track.

• Take note of assignments not getting done. Small signs frequently offer the biggest clues that someone is overworked and on the

road to burnout. When people are too busy, routine responsibilities get put on hold. While evaluating activity reports, make sure employees are devoting time to

some second- and third-tier priorities as well as to key projects.

·      Be supportive. Stop by your team members' desks reg­ularly to ask about their workloads. Your best employ-

each individual, it can lead to burnout if taken to extremes for long periods of time.

Your top performers are often at greatest risk for problems associated with workplace stress. They are frequently given the most challenging projects

because of their talent, ability to make meaningful contributions to the team, and willingness to put in the extra

effort. These staff members may also

be asked to cover vacant positions in

the company because of their skill at managing multiple priorities. Their

level of commitment and drive to suc­ceed is no doubt an asset to your firm, but it can also prevent them from seeking assistance when they are overwhelmed. Highly motivated individuals may see it as a sign of weakness or failure to

admit they are struggling to keep up

with their growing to-do lists.

To prevent burnout, you must be proactive

in learning how your employees are managing their workloads. This makes ongoing communication essential. Here are some specific strategies that can help .


12         STRATEGIC FINANCE I May 2004


ees will be more willing to admit problems if they know that you will take some form of action to help them and that there will be no negative career repercussions. Establish a consistent pattern of support when staff members seek assistance, whether t.hrough reor­ganizing job responsibilities, redis­tributing work to other employees or temporary accounting profes­sionals, or providing access to nec­essary training. SoLicit input from those involved to show that you value their suggestions for ways to resolve the situation.


·      Delegate selectively. It's tempting to single out your best people, but when assigning tasks to your team, avoid giving too much to one person or a small group of individuals. This will save your

star performers from possible burnout and give others on your team the opportunity to sharpen their skills.


·      Help staff recharge. People are at far greater risk for burnout if they fail to take breaks, which often happens as demands increase. Your employees may feel that they are able to accommodate more work this way, but they are actual­ly sacrificing efficiency. Be sure to remind them of the value of peri­odic time away from their desks, and set the example by taking breaks yourself. Also encourage your team to take occasional vacations to refresh. Here, too, as a manager, you should lead by example.

·      Keep it light. Having a sense of humor helps build rapport and


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trust with staff, which in turn facilitates open communication and a positive work environment. Both are important elements in reducing stress. Laughter can also alleviate tension caused by tight deadlines and difficult projects.


·      Watch for signals of burnout.

Despite your best efforts, employ­ees still may not tell you when there are problems. Observe work­place patterns carefully, and take note of any changes in behavior among your star performers. Are they turning in projects late? Do they seem less patient? Are they regularly forgetful? Are interper­sonal conflicts on the rise? These are all indicators that stress levels could be too high.

While you may not be able to eliminate the pressures associated with heightened demands in each situation, you can create an environ­ment in which staff members feel supported. Stay connected with your employees, proactively identify potential workload problems, and offer solutions. You will minimize burnout on your team and help ensure your group can continue achieving business objectives. _

Max Messmer is chairman and CEO of Robert Half International Inc. (RHI), parent company of Robert Half® Finance & Accounting, Accauntempsv, and Robert Half® Management Resources. RHI is the world's first and largest specialized staffing firm placing accounting and finance professionals on a full-time, temporary, and project basis. Messmer's most recent books are Motivating Employees For Dummies® and Managing Your Career For Dummies ® (John Wiley & Sons, Inc.).


Copy right 0 f St rateg i c Fi nance is the pro pe rty 0 f Inst i tute 0 f Management Accountants and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright ho I de r I s ex press w r i tten pe rm i ss i on. Howeve r. use rs may p r i nt. down load. 0 r email art i cI es fo r individual use.


Gender, Work and Organization. Vol. 12 No.2 March 2005

Discourses of Work-Life Balance:

Negotiating 'Genderblind' Terms in Organizations

Janet Smithson* and Elizabeth H. Stokoe**

This article examines current debates about gender equality, work-life bal­ance and flexible working. We contrast policymakers' and organizational discourses of flexible working and work-life balance with managers' and employees' talk about these issues within their organizations. We show how, despite the increasingly gender-neutral language of the official discourses, in the data studied participants consistently reformulate the debates around gendered explanations and assumptions. For example, a 'generic female parent' is constructed in relation to work-life balance and flexible working yet participants routinely maintain that gender makes no difference within their organization. We consider the effects of these accounts; specifically the effect on those who take up flexible working, and the perceived backlash against policies viewed as favouring women or parents. We argue that the location of work-life balance and flexibility debates within a gender-neutral context can in practice result in maintain­ing or encouraging gendered practices within organizations. Implications of this for organizations, for policymakers and for feminist researchers are discussed.

Keywords: work-life balance, diversity, gender, discourse


eminist theory has long been concerned with the importance of language as a promoter or challenger of sexist assumptions and practices. A

particular issue for feminist politics has been the contrasting perspectives of 'equality feminism' and 'difference feminism' (Guerrina, 2001; Hughes,

Address for correspondence: "[anet Smithson, Department of Psychology and Speech Pathology, Manchester Metropolitan University, Elizabeth Gaskell Campus, Hathersage Rd. Manchester M13 OJA, UK, Tel: +44(0)161 2472546, e-mail:

**Elizabeth Stokoe, Department of Social Sciences, Loughborough University, Loughborough, Leicestershire LEll 3TU, UK, e-mail:

© Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2005, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA.





2002). The effects of recent feminist theorizing can be seen in the changes in terminology for legislation and workplace policies over the last few decades, which reflect important discursive and political changes (Sinclair, 2002). Con­temporary organizational, government and academic discourses in Britain increasingly utilize the language of choice, of flexibility, and of work-life balance or work-life integration, in contrast to earlier discourses of equal opportunities, positive discrimination, and of family-friendly policies (DFEE, 2000a; DTI, 2002; Hogarth et al., 2000).

Evans (1994) highlights as central to feminist theorizing the conceptual­ization of equality based on entry to paid labour, and equal pay. The lan­guage of equal opportunities typically reflects this ideal, and conveys as its main purpose the facilitation of a level playing field so that individual poten­tials can be realized within a system (Hughes, 2002). Equal opportunities dis­courses of women being the 'same as men' have, however, been criticized for silencing women: they cannot speak out about their difficulties, as this high­lights their difference and their lack of suitability for the work, or need for special 'help' (Hughes, 2002; Liff and Ward, 2001). Liff and Cameron (1997) argue that equal opportunities initiatives fail to get to the root of gender in­equality, focusing on allowing women to mould themselves to male working patterns rather than addressing the gendered nature of current organiza­tional practices. Women feel compelled to work like 'surrogate men' to suc­ceed (Cockburn, 1991; Maier, 2000). This theme of women succeeding when they act 'like men' is a recurrent one in feminist organizational analysis (Dryburgh, 1999; McIlwee and Robinson, 1992; Rutherford, 2001; Wacjman, 1998). Perhaps the apotheosis of this is women attempting to contain preg­nancy and childbirth within a male model of work (Blair-Loy, 2001; Martin 1990). Equal opportunities conceptualizations thus may be viewed as upholding the hierarchical and competitive basis of the existing social order. There are also practical problems with this approach. Sinclair (2000) recounts the problems associated with affirmative action, while Lewis (2001) demon­strates that such policies become seen as favours rather than entitlements. There is evidence of a backlash against equal opportunities and positive dis­crimination policies, based on the view that this is 'unfair' (Faludi, 1992; Liff and Ward, 2001; Sinclair, 2000; Young, 1999).

The feminist argument for highlighting women's different needs and experiences within the workplace through 'difference' policies and legisla­tion rests partly on biological differences, in particular biological mother­hood, and the corresponding importance of maternity rights (Bryson, 1992; Hare-Mustin and Marecek, 1994). It also rests on the awareness that the majority of women still do take on primary responsibility for childcare and domestic work. Suggestions that these are not primarily a women's issue may be a feminist ideal but are hardly a reality for many women. There is a concern that 'when we used categories, we could see where women were. When we generalize, they disappear' (Rollin and Burrell, 2000, p. 52).

Volume 12 Number 2 March 2005

© Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2005




However, 'difference' approaches have been criticized for assuming biolog­ical determinism, for equating the roles of caring and mothering (Evans, 1994; Guerrina, 2001), and for over-generalizing women's experiences (Butler, 1990).

The limitations with both these approaches have led to the currently pre­dominating view within organizational and policymaking discourses that what is needed is more recognition of the diversity of flexible working styles and work-life balance needs, rather than policies which specifically enable working mothers to manage paid work and family needs. Kandola and Fullerton (1994, p. 7) suggest various definitions of diversity, including 'understanding there are differences between employees and that these differences, if properly managed, are an asset to work being done more effi­ciently and effectively'. The diversity approach aims to move on from the problem perceived with equal opportunities approaches as being just an issue for human resources, and just about women, to being concerned about all employees and an issue for all managers (Kandola and Fullerton, 1994; Liff, 1996; Liff and Cameron, 1997; Sinclair, 2000). Diversity is often described as proactive and pluralistic, driven by business needs, in contrast to the legally-driven equal opportunities approach (Kandola and Fullerton, 1994; Lorbiecki and Jack, 2000). As an example of the diversity approach, a recent publication by the DFEE states that work-life balance

isn't just about women juggling a home and family .... It's also about adjusting working patterns so that everyone, regardless of age, race or gender, can find a rhythm that enables them more easily to combine work with their other responsibilities or aspirations. (DFEE, 2000b, p. 4).

The gender-neutral terms of diversity management have gained popularity, partly as an attempt to put work-life issues into the 'mainstream' of organi­zational policy (Kandola and Fullerton, 1994). Recently, the term 'flexible working' has been used to describe aspects of work-life balance, in an attempt to move further away from viewing 'family' and working flexibility as issues for women (Cooper et al., 2001; Lewis, 2001; Napoli, 1994; Sheridan and Conway, 2001). It is assumed that men, and organizations, will respond better to 'flexible working' and 'work-life' initiatives than to gender equality issues. While the diversity approach is increasingly widespread in UK orga­nizations, there has been a recent interest in and criticism of the meaning and underlying assumptions of diversity management (Sinclair, 2000). Lorbiecki and Jack (2000) use critical discourse analysis to argue that diversity man­agement can perpetuate rather than combat inequalities in the workplace, as well as typically prescribing essentialist categories of difference. By focusing on individual differences and choices, there is little emphasis on power differentials or structural inequalities (Liff, 1996; Lorbiecki and Jack, 2000). Sinclair notes that 'the argument that "all people are different" renders equivalent systematic sources of inequality and sources of minor discomfort'

© Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2005

Volume 12 Number 2 March 2005




(Sinclair, 2000). It dilutes societal and organizational responsibilities for providing equal treatment and equal opportunity (Liff and Cameron, 1997; Linnehan and Konrad, 1999).

Fears of a backlash against gender equity issues have been one of the pri­mary motivators for using a gender-neutral, or 'diversity' approach, and one of the main feminist arguments for using gender-neutral terms. It is argued that the language of diversity can reduce backlash propensities (Cox, 1994; Sinclair, 2000). Moreover, using gender-neutral terms can be an effective strategy for gaining funding, or an entry to organizations which may be more open to research on 'flexible working' than on gender equity. However, diversity approaches are limited in effectiveness. As new terms come into use in an attempt to 'mainstream' gender-equality issues, they become associated with women's and family issues and thereby become limited in effectiveness (Lewis, 2001).

One assumption behind the shift in emphasis from women-centred poli­cies and terms to gender-neutral terms is that workplaces are no longer gen­dered in themselves, and that both women and men have equal choices and opportunities about participation in paid work, non-work commitments and preferences. Feminist theory has examined the concept of the 'gendered orga­nization' since the 1970s (e.g. Acker, 1990, 1992; Kanter, 1977). Most feminist writers therefore share an assumption that gender inequality is the central issue and that organizations are structured hierarchically in favour of men, although there is much debate about the exact nature of the gendered orga­nization (Britton, 2000; Martin and Collinson, 2002; Mills, 2002; Rutherford, 2001). If the workplace is no longer a sexist environment, there is no need for positive discrimination, nor for special policies to enable women to achieve in the workplace. Particularly among younger employees, enforced equality legislation and especially positive discrimination are seen as unfair and unnecessary and as lessening individual choice (Benschop and Brannen et al., 2002; Doorewaard, 1998; Smithson, 1999). The lack of take up of flexible working or work-life balance policies by men has been explained in terms of organizational cultural barriers and gender expectations, including percep­tions of these arrangements as favours or entitlements, and as fair or unfair (Haas and Hwang, 1995; Lewis, 1997).

As summarized above, the three approaches described here - equal opportunities, difference and diversity approaches, have all been criticized by feminists on both theoretical and practical grounds. Poststructuralist fem­inist theory provides possible ways of addressing the inherent problems with these approaches. Phillips (1987) outlines the problem of the equality / differ­ence debate for feminists - namely that, set in opposition, both approaches (minimizing gender differences, or emphasizing them) fail to acknowledge that concepts of equality and difference have been developed within specific, gendered, structures. Butler (1990, 1997) demonstrates how the use of binary terms set in opposition, even those of 'man' and 'woman', are both the

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product of discursive norms and limit the very thinking of what is possible in gendered life to certain habitual presumptions. Scott (1988) argues that feminists should not be forced into these pre-existing dichotomies, but need to find a way that, for example, we can retain difference and also argue for equality. Equality, for example, need not be understood as the opposite of difference: some understandings of equal treatment rely on the acceptance that to achieve equality, people need different treatment. Guerrina (2001) similarly advocates redefining these concepts so they are not in opposition.

Attempts to reclaim terms for feminist use can often fail as the dominant meanings of hierarchical pairings are so strongly in place (Butler, 1990; Hughes, 2002). The development of gender-neutral language can also fail as this reinforces the 'masculine humanist rational subject' as normative (Hughes, 2002). For example, Crompton and Birkelund (2000) reformulate the men-women dichotomy into a new division between 'encumbered' and 'unencumbered' workers, but it is clear which gender will slot into this new category division. One poststructuralist feminist approach is to aim to dis­place common hierarchized binary meanings by the invention of new lan­guage, for example by creating a third term, or 'hinge word' (Grosz, 1990; Hughes, 2002). These function as undecidable, occupying the ground of their 'excluded middle'. Grosz (1990) asserts that this is both impossible and nec­essary. Impossible, because we have to use the terms of dominant discourses to challenge that discourse. Necessary, because the process illustrates how what is said is bound up with what cannot be and is not said.

Guerrina (2001) argues that postmodernist feminist analyses provide two helpful approaches to feminists involved in legislation and policymaking. Firstly they question the underlying assumptions on which the policies were developed, and secondly, they challenge the construction of woman and mother. A problem for poststructural feminism is that it is easier to question or deconstruct underlying assumptions than it is to achieve changes in people's assumptions. An important aspect to achieving this change is not just using new terms, or using terms in a new way, but creating new stories and metaphors. This challenge has been taken up by feminists working in organizations (Liff and Cameron, 1997; Rapoport et al., 2002). At its best, the diversity approach could be argued to be attempting to achieve gender (and other) equalities in the workplace by emphasizing a cultural change in organizational discourse.

While there are both pragmatic and ideological reasons for the changes in equality and diversity discourses, and we have highlighted a variety of criti­cisms of recent changes, it is important to understand how organizational members experience and practise these discourses, and what their effects are in terms of achieving gender equality. In this article we consider the effects of a 'genderblind' approach by looking at how participants in two organiza­tional studies talk about such issues. In these research projects the terms 'flexibility', 'flexible working' and 'work-life balance' were used in the

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official research literature and by the interviewers to participants, so in this analysis we will focus on the meanings of these three terms to the par­ticipants. We examine workplace members' talk about their organization, gender, work and flexible working practices.

Data and methodology

Two sets of data were drawn upon to explore the issues set out above. The first came from focus groups and individual interviews with employees in a large banking organization (Study A). Forty participants aged 25-55 took part in focus groups and individual interviews, conducted by the first author and colleagues. The second set of data came from 50 individual interviews with chartered accountants in a number of accountancy organizations (Study B). The participants in this study were aged 25-55, and were interviewed by the first author and a colleague. Both sets of data were recorded and the talk was transcribed verbatim. Company and participant names were changed in order to retain anonymity. The transcripts were read in conjunction with the recorded data.

Any analysis of language should focus on the ordinary, everyday use of terms, taking account of the local context within which the language term is placed (Moi, 1999). The everyday, or mundane, is thus viewed as a place of political struggle over meaning. Our analytic approach draws on these ideas as well as ethnomethodological methods that promote the importance of studying 'members' practices'. We take the view that if organizations are dis­cursively gendered, that gendering will be displayed in the way people talk about their working lives. We therefore wanted to investigate if and when gendered categories and descriptions became relevant in the interviewees' accounts and descriptions of their organizational practices. Although the issue of gender was sometimes made relevant by the interviewer in her ques­tions, we trawled the data particularly for responses and descriptions in which gender was a crucial organizing feature and basis, explicitly or implic­itly. Our focus is therefore on 'the situated flow of discourse ... members' methods and the logic of accountability while describing also the collective and social patterning of background normative assumptions' (Wetherell, 1998, p. 405). We examined the sequential organization of gendered argu­mentation, descriptions and evaluations of 'flexible working' and work-life issues and the dilemmatic quality of talk about these topics.

One particularly useful way into gendered accounting practices was to explore the local management of speakers' categorizations of themselves and others, focusing particularly on gender categorizations. According to mem­bership categorization analysis (MCA), a branch of ethnomethodological inquiry (Sacks, 1992), it is in the ongoing construction of social categories (such as 'professional worker', 'breadwinner', 'woman') and the activities

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and characteristics people link to them (like 'working all hours', 'caring', 'looking after children') that is central to the perpetuation of gendered assumptions and practices. Additionally, 'the more natural, taken-for­granted and therefore invisible the categorization work, the more powerful it is' (Baker, 2000, p. 111). Participants' categorization work is central to the organization of commonsense knowledge because categories and their asso­ciated predicates are 'quiet centres of power and persuasion' (Baker, 2000, pp. 99-106). MeA, therefore, is a useful method for feminist researchers because it allows analysts to see how participants both construct and manage their conduct in relation to conventional expectations for women and men's activ­ities and characters (Stokoe, 2004).

One way in which the categorization process occurs is via the inferential resources, carried in categories, that are available to members of a culture, and that allow them to imply and infer things in their descriptions. This is because categories are 'inference rich': 'a great deal of the knowledge that members of a society have about the society is stored in terms of these cate­gories' (Sacks, 1992, pp. 40-1). The practical reasoning by which categories and their inferences 'go together' is not, however, a strictly linguistic or logical kind of entailment. Rather, it is a commonsense, normative practice in which inferences and implications are generated and managed in actual stretches of talk, with regard to particular states of affairs or narrative accounts. Inferences may be picked up, developed or countered in subse­quent turns.

Thus, the category of 'wife' can, within a conversational context, entail 'being heterosexual' and 'running a household' (Tainio, 2002), even though those features may not be required on strictly logical-semantic grounds. So a woman may be correctly categorized as a 'mother', 'worker', or 'wife', with each category carrying a different set of 'category-bound activities', predi­cates, or 'rights and obligations' that an incumbent of that category can be expected to perform or possess (Watson and Weinberg, 1982). Members' practical categorizations form part of what ethnomethodologists refer to when they describe the ongoing construction and maintenance of 'facts' about social life, including our knowledge about gender. This approach to analysis allows us to examine, at the micro level, how the building blocks of fundamental cultural divisions are formulated and exploited as part of the local construction of social meanings.


Across the data sets, we found that talk about flexible working and work-life balance was overwhelmingly gendered in relation to women. We report on four related themes in this gendering process. First, we consider the way par­ticipants talk about flexible working in general, before considering how

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speakers make gender relevant to their accounts of workplace practices. Then we consider the consequences and upshot of participants' gendered account­ing, first in terms of the possibility of doing flexible working in a non­gendered way and, finally, in terms of 'backlash' issues. Through the analy­sis, we explore the ways participants construct their occupational contexts as gendered and how gender 'creeps into' talk about organizations in complex and subtle ways (Hopper and LeBaron, 1998). By investigating the ways that participants construct and negotiate ideas about the role of gender in the workplace, we can begin to understand how organizations become gendered and are maintained as gendered.

1. Talking about flexible working and work-life balance

In this section, we examine participants' talk about work-life balance and flexible working. We focus on the way talk about flexible working becomes talk about female workers. The attribution of flexible working as an issue, especially for women, and primarily younger women with children, occurred repeatedly in both studies, by women and men, young and old, at all levels of the organizations.

Extract 1: Man, partner in accountancy firm

1 I Okay, now there's a few questions about the business case for

  2          flexible working. The Institute of Chartered Accountants funded

  3          our study and they are very interested in whether it makes financial

  4          sense for people to work flexible working or part time work. I

  5          think they are particularly interested in retention of skilled staff.

  6          Do you see any advantages from a business point of view,

  7          giving people flexible working schedules, giving people management

  8          of their own timetables, letting them working from home?

9 D Yes. The main advantage is the retention and attraction of,

10          sort of like, particularly female, female members of staff who

11          tend to be more the ones who'll be thinking of having kids,

12          things like that.

Although the interviewer's question about implementing flexible working policies is gender-neutral, D's response constructs such policies as being rel­evant for women because it is they who have children. In lines 1-8, the inter­viewer uses the category 'people' to construct her question about the efficacy of flexible working policies. However, in D's response, the category 'people' is taken up and gendered: it is 'female' members of staff for whom such poli­cies and practices are relevant. Additionally, D links the category 'female' with the activities of 'having kids' and 'things like that' (lines 11-12). By mentioning the activity of 'having kids', D makes relevant the category 'mother'. Thus we can track D's sense-making orientations as he categorizes

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flexible workers as female staff and, moreover, as 'mothers', hence reproduc­ing and maintaining the gendered order of workplace and related practices. We can also note that D's account is punctuated with pauses, hedges ('sort of like') and repetition ('female, female'), suggesting an orientation to some trouble in talking about gender issues.

The next extract in this section is unusual in that P, another man partner in an accountancy firm, does not automatically assign gender to work-life balance talk.

Extract 2: Man, partner in accountancy firm

1 P I think you need to have regard for the different mixes and

2         characters of people you've got ...

3 I Yeah?

4 P And maybe you're looking at the work life balance for the chunk in

5         the middle, because the chunk at the top will be the sorts of people

6         who work out what's right for them ...

7 I Yeah

8 P And who're prepared to put in the extra mile.

P first talks about valuing different people within an organization, which has strong links with diversity management approaches. He then makes a dis­tinction between the moderate achievers, who may have some sort of work­life balance, and the high fliers 'who work out what's right for them'. The notion of 'putting in the extra mile' was very salient in the accountancy par­ticipants' talk, it was widely seen as the way a professional works, and the way to get promoted. The predicates of the category 'professional' therefore include not having a work-life balance, and putting in 'the extra mile'. This extract was remarkable in these data sets in not becoming explicitly talk about women. Instead, work-life balance is viewed as a freely made choice, but not the sort of choice made by high fliers. This 'diversity approach' posi­tions 'difference' as a matter of individual differences in ability or choice, rather than power differentials (Lorbiecki and Jack, 2000; Sinclair, 2000) and ignores the gendered reality of who is free to put in the extra mile (Rutherford,2001).

In the third extract we consider another example of the way talk about flexible working becomes gendered:

Extract 3: Man, partner in accountancy firm

1 I Well, just the final question then. Do you think ways of work are

  2           changing in accountancy firms in general? Not just [firm P]

3 A I think because of the flexibility that technology gives, clearly

  4           as an employer we need to be able to recruit and take the best staff,

  5           and it requires us to also, obviously to, it's part of being a

  6           caring employer, you've got to develop and provide more

  7          flexibility to our staff. So yes, things are

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156                                                                               GENDER, WORK AND ORGANIZATION

  8           changing, umm, you know I don't rule out any possibility in

  9           terms of flexible working as a tool, you know, if it can make

10          us a better firm. For instance I suspect there's a lot of

11          young lady accountants, particularly, maybe have had a young

12          child or whatever, and who want to retain the link with the

13          profession, but who've temporarily given up work for having a

14          child or just wanting to provide the childcare. So they've got

15          a slot say from 9.30 to 2.30 if you like, a few days

16          a week, you often think, or I often think, that people in

17          that situation are probably very good talented people with a lot of

18          good accountancy skills who want to keep their hand in.

In this fragment, A initially links the practices of 'flexibility' to the gender­neutral categories 'staff' (line 7), 'us' and 'firm' (line 10). However, as his account moves from the general to the particular, his example of the way the policy might get translated practically makes gender relevant in a similar way to Extract 1. He links the category 'young lady' to having 'a young child or whatever' and 'provide the childcare' (lines 11-12, 14). This is similar to D's description, in Extract I, of 'female members of staff' who have 'kids ( ... ) things like that'. The phrases 'or whatever' (in A's account) and 'things like that' (in Extract 1) seem to function in two ways: as 'generalised list com­pIeters' (Jefferson, 1990) that orient to the shared cultural knowledge of the 'things' that are related to having children, but also as neutralizing or distancing devices that objectify the description as one that is based in fact rather than biased description. As in D's account in Extract I, this indicates a possible orientation to interactional trouble in talking about gender matters.

We can see how flexible working practices are constructed again as an issue for women with childcare responsibilities. Moreover, we can see how A can imply that 'young lady accountants' are not seriously committed core employees via descriptions of practices such as 'retain(ing) the link with their profession' and 'keep(ing) their hand in'. Exploring the data in this way allows us to see what is 'unsaid' and 'inferred' as the partici­pants build categorizations. By excluding talk about men or fathers in their accounts, the participants construct what we have termed the 'generic she' or 'generic female parent' in which talk about parenting and childcare implicitly assumes that the mother, and not the father, is responsible for childcare (Stokoe and Smithson, 2001). This is in contrast to the well­documented 'generic he' of the traditional worker (Stringer and Hopper, 1998). As Benschop and Doorewaard (1998) found from interviews with banking sector employees, a gendered subtext operated within the accounts, which provided the basis from which both perceptions of equal­ity and inequalities emerge. These include the 'mommy track', down which employees who are also mothers often find their careers pro­gressing. While the language of the policies has changed, the participants

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are still operating within a highly gendered context; so it appears that language change without corresponding culture change is bound to fail (Butler, 1990; Hughes, 2002).

Towards the end of his account, A switches back to a gender-neutral category, replacing 'lady' with 'people' (lines 11-12). Although it is clear from the context of the talk that 'people' is a same-turn replacement cat­egory for 'lady', and that he is still referring to women when he says 'people in that situation ... probably very good talented people ... who want to keep their hand in', we can see an interesting structure emerging in the way speakers talk about gender and flexible working patterns. A's account moves between the deployment of neutral, gendered and back to neutral categorizations of workers. We explore this structure of turn organization in more detail in the next section. However, we can see that using 'gender­blind' terms such as flexibility and work-life balance does not in fact obscure or affect the 'commonsense' knowledge that it is working women, usually mothers of young children, who are the main users of work-life policies. The category of 'flexible worker' is routinely linked to being a woman, and to having a young child. In this respect, the political goal of 'mainstreaming' equal opportunities policies is not being achieved by the use of more inclusive language.

2. Talking about gender in organizations

In this section, we explore participants' tacit reasoning about gender within their organizations in response to direct questions about gender-related matters. Do people view their organizations as gendered? In Study B, inter­viewees were asked whether they thought it made a difference being a man or a woman in their organization. We return to the interview with D, who appeared in Extract 1:

Extract 4: Man, partner in accountancy firm

1 I In terms of promotion, do you think it's easier for a man to get

2          promoted than a woman, or doesn't it make a difference?

3 D I don't think it makes a difference what sex you are, but I think

4          it does make a difference going back what we were saying earlier,

5          to part timers and commitment, I think that if a woman has a

6          house husband, as it were, but if somebody is looking to take a

7          career break of two to three years, I can't see her presence being

8          required. But that could be a woman or a man, and I don't see

9          the difference

The upshot of D's account is that gender makes no difference in terms of pro­motion within his accountancy firm (lines 3, 8-9). However, a more careful

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analysis of this extract reveals a particular structure to his account and, within this sequential order, the maintenance of particular ideas about gen­der. As we noted earlier, participants often displayed some difficulty in talk­ing about gender (in)equality (see also Smithson, 1999; Stokoe and Smithson, 2001). We found that, in an interview situation, participants' accounts rou­tinely followed a 'gender-neutral' trajectory, in that initial responses to such questions were usually that no, gender does not make a difference. Talking about gender problems emerged as an interactional problem, needing careful management. One way in which talk about gender problems was achieved was by framing such descriptions in an overall gender-neutral account. Throughout our data, the following three-part sequence could be found in response to questions about gender:

~ A: Suggest gender is not an issue

~ B: Describe a gender problem or inequality ~ C: Conclude that gender is not an issue

By framing talk about problems in this way, participants can maintain an overall gender-neutral account. However, such accounts are problematic because they are often embedded in implicitly gendered repertoires of sense­making. Looking at extract 4 above, the three-part sequence can be seen as follows:

~ A: I don't think it makes a difference what sex you are

~ B: it does make a difference ... to part timers and commitment ~ C: woman or a man ... I don't see the difference

The overall message here is that it is situation, not gender that makes a dif­ference. However, if we track D's categorizations across this account, a gen­dered explanation is implied. First, D juxtaposes the category 'part-timer' with the category predicate 'commitment', although it is clear that D is trou­bling, rather than consolidating, this juxtaposition. For a woman to be fully committed, she must have a 'house husband ( ... ) as it were' (line 6). Given that D has already described flexible working policies as applying to women who want children (Extract 1), and thus it is women who are likely to be part­timers, the middle part of this account suggests that there is a problem with part-time women and commitment. In other words, D firstly reproduces the normative order of heterosexual partnerships and families in which one per­son looks after the house. Although he disrupts the conventional man-as­breadwinner category-activity pair, the 'as it were' tag marks this as unusual in some way. Further, D's use of the gender-neutral 'somebody' (line 6) who might engage in a 'career break' is transformed into a female category in the subsequent part of his turn: 'I can't see her presence being required'. A similar tension between gender and promotion is found in the following extract from another interview:

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Extract 5: Man, partner in accountancy firm

1 I 2

3 B 4






10 11 12 13

Do you think it makes much difference being a man or a woman in accountancy firms at the moment?

Er, it certainly doesn't in this practice, um, and it never

has done. You might argue with that because at the moment we only have one female partner, shortly to become two, um, I don't

really understand why that is. I actually, when I look round actually in our firm I think that the women are better organized than the men. I think they generally are, in the practice as a whole.

I think in the accountancy profession as a whole, I see a lot

Of. I see a lot of successful women. [Woman P] had to fight to

get to be president of the institution, she made it in the end,

but she is, I think she is a tough cookie. So I would say that

there probably are some barriers but, not here I don't think.

The same three-part pattern can be identified in this account:

~ B: we only have one female partner

~ A: it (being a man or woman) certainly doesn't in this practice ~ C: not here I don't think

B's description of his firm, in which there is only one woman partner, is framed within an overall gender-neutral account. He positions himself as naive and distanced from this state of affairs, by stating 'I don't really under­stand why that is' as well as by constructing a counter-intuitive case that 'actually' 'women are better organized than men' (lines 6-8). However, the activities he links to the category of 'successful women' include 'fight', mak­ing it 'in the end', and being a 'tough cookie'. He therefore reproduces the commonsense notion that women who are successful need to be 'extra' in some way, or are 'tough'.

Overall, when asked about whether it made a difference being a man or a woman in their organization, participants simultaneously argued that gender was not an issue in the company but also that there were no women 'at the top' of the organization. Participants made the link between flexible working and women, and between flexi­ble working and promotion prospects, but typically did not make a corresponding link between gender and promotion. This three-part sequence occurred regularly in our data. The pauses, repetitions and contradictions evident in these extracts again demonstrate the partici­pants' trouble with the idea of gender being an explicit issue. In orga­nizational members' accounts, therefore, despite reproducing gender differences at one level, the rhetoric of working in a non-gendered organization is maintained.

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3. Consequences: doing flexible working in a non-gendered way

We have seen that flexible working and managing a work-life balance are issues that are routinely linked to women, especially women with young children. Meanwhile, the myth of a gender-neutral organization is perpetu­ated in official discourse and that of everyday members. In this section, we consider some of the practical consequences of this discrepancy. We investi­gate how participants negotiate flexible working issues. Here we focus par­ticularly on how women negotiate maternity leave with colleagues and managers, and how other organization members react to this. Maternity leave provides particularly striking examples of women attempting to do even this activity in a way that minimizes gender differences in the workplace.

The first extract comes from a focus group interview with women bank managers, who are discussing maternity leave and coming back to work. N and J are both participants.

Extract 6: Women bank managers, in focus group

1 N It's amazing actually, nobody's supposed to come back till the

2          baby's two weeks old, but I've seen correspondence when they've

3          asked, you know, can they come back sooner, purely for

4          financial reasons. Really it does happen! [lines omitted]

5 J But if you're working right up to having the baby, and you have

6          off all, over and above the medical side of ante-natal et cetera,

7          it does add up to quite a bit, I think it's whether you can -

8          I'm making sure I don't take off any more than I absolutely have to.

The participants build an account of baby-related absence as something that is restricted, but their two perspectives are constructed in sharp contrast. Whilst N's description of the employer's perspective as a manager is pref­aced and suffixed with a display of resistance to the limited period of leave ('it's amazing' and 'really it does happen!'), ['s description, as a pregnant employee (as well as a manager) demonstrates her commitment to restricting leave time ('I'm making sure I don't take off any more time than I absolutely have to'). J's use of the extreme case 'absolutely' functions to strengthen this commitment (Pomerantz, 1986). Both Nand J construct maternity leave in terms of abbreviated or minimal time periods: 'sooner' (line 3) and 'right up to' (line 5) and, interestingly, 'two weeks' (line 2), something 'men' were enti­tled to at the time of the study (1998) by government legislation. As noted earlier, women in traditional organizations are accepted at a managerial level if they hide their differences and work 'like men'. Taking maternity leave 'like a man' - doing 'macho maternity' - is an extreme but common exam­ple of this (Blair-Loy, 2001; Martin, 1990), although taking less than two weeks is rare in the UK, even among women bank managers, noted by other

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researchers for their adherence to 'male' styles of working (Benschop and Doorewaard,1998).

This passage is interesting because the women do not explicitly gender their discussion of 'having the baby', an activity normatively linked to the categories 'mother' and 'woman'. They do not even mention the word 'maternity', a term that further inscribes gender into childcare practices. Their account contains categories and activities such as 'having the baby', 'ante-natal' and 'baby' which, in MeA terms, imply such categories as 'woman'. But the fact that they do not explicitly index gender, leaving its relevance implicit, is central to the way categorization works: inferences and upshots can be denied, allowing speakers to do subtle things with their descriptions. We explore further accounts of maternity leave in the following two extracts from individual interviews in a small accountancy firm, in which two male accountants are discussing the same absent woman, who is in a management position:

Extract 7: Man, employee from accountancy firm

1 P We have a partner at the moment who's a woman

  2          and she's just had a baby and she's having four months

  3          off, but she's still, I mean she's, I keep thinking she's

  4         in the office because you know, I'm getting contact from people

  5          over in (town Y) office. 'Oh (woman X) said this', you know.

  6         So she must obviously be in contact, but she's just not in work.

  7         I mean at the end of the day, you can lose, and not to, to

  8          demean anybody's position, but you can lose somebody near the

  9          bottom for 12 weeks can't you, but you can't at the top,

10         you can't, how would you replace somebody?

There is a contradiction in this account. In the first half, P describes his col­league as having four months' maternity leave yet he keeps 'thinking she's in the office' because 'she must obviously be in contact' (lines 3-6). The absent woman, then, is maintaining her work responsibilities whilst being on four months' leave and is doing 'macho maternity'. However, in the second part of the account, P constructs an argument implicitly against this scenario. He suggests that it is easy to lose 'somebody near the bottom' of a company due to maternity leave but not somebody 'at the top'. So despite describing the woman's activities as continuing to work and maintain contact during her official absence, P still adopts a position that it is problematic for (female) workers at the top of organizations to go on leave. In other words, it is accept­able for female workers at the bottom of the company to take maternity leave, but not senior workers. The same situation is being discussed in Extract 8:

Extract 8: Man, partner in accountancy firm

1 H recruited (woman X) and agreed a maternity policy with her. So I

2          have absolutely no problem with that at all, er, we had a long

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162                                                                               GENDER, WORK AND ORGANIZATION

3          discussion about how she would manage her part of the practice which

4          is the (Town U) office, um, while she was on maternity leave.

S          I was quite satisfied with what she had to say at the time.

6          She has been very good because she has arranged her confinement at a

7          period when the practice is less busy (laughs) and it has worked

8          out pretty much as we predicted that it would.

The notion of 'macho maternity' is reinforced even more strongly in H's account. His positive evaluation of the absent woman's approach to mater­nity leave is predicated on arranging her 'confinement at a period when the practice is less busy (laughs) and it has worked out pretty much as we pre­dicted that it would'. The laughter functions here to mitigate the use of 'con­finement', an old-fashioned category for pregnancy and childbirth, as ironic and not to be taken seriously. However, for a woman to arrange her preg­nancy and childbirth for a quiet period at work indicates that these situations must cause minimum disruption to the company for the woman not to be criticized.

Despite the fact that the participants are themselves managers, what emerges from these extracts is that the roles of 'manager' or 'professional' and 'mother' do not sit easily together. This supports other research find­ings from interviews with banking sector workers, in which tensions emerged between 'active parenting' and senior roles (Liff and Ward, 2001). 'Diversity' approaches fail to deal adequately with this tension. There is still an uneasy distinction between the 'good' male-style worker and the 'bad' female-style worker, even when men and women can ostensibly work in either way. We can see that many women in these organizations feel compelled to work 'like men' to succeed, and that even women who have already achieved senior positions work hard to maintain the notion of being equal players with their male colleagues in a non-gendered orga­nization. Speakers make use of gender-neutral terms to minimize the per­ceptions of gendered behaviour and entitlements, to the extent of making maternity leave arrangements in a 'fair' or non-gendered way. This leads into a related consequence of viewing organizations as gender-neutral spaces: a backlash.

Consequences: a backlash

In the final section of analysis, we consider the way that discourses of equal­ity for women have been replaced with notions of fairness and choice. One of the reasons for using genderblind languages is to move away from the per­ception of policies as unfairly favouring women. The woman in the following two extracts is in her thirties, with a young child. She is discussing whether

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parental leave would work in her organization, a topic that is introduced by the interviewer:

Extract 9: Woman, partner in accountancy firm

1 I 2





7 K 8


10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

The extended leave of up a month a year of which either parent can take generally in Britain it's unpaid at the moment, this is

since you had your son, most people can take parental leave now of up to a month a year but it is unpaid and some companies are considering paid parental leave which either parent, for up to

three months at a time,

I think to offer people full pay would be quite divisive actually (laughs). First of all it's going to cost a lot. I mean an organization like ours would find it quite difficult to be paying people for lots of parental leave, urn, but equally what about the, urn, for the people who don't have children it's quite unfair. You are actually giving people time off and paying them for it. Urn so I see that it could be quite divisive so I don't think I would be in favour of that really. I certainly don't mind

if people want to take time off then, I have no problem with that, but as to whether it should be paid, I don't think it should particularly.

Extract 10: Same woman accountancy partner

1 K I think we've talked about term time working and I do think there

2          could be more mileage in that. I think perhaps my fear from this

3          work-balance issue is the backlash from the people who don't have

4          children,

5 I Yeah

6 K Because they perceive it as being a benefit completely for people with

7          children, and I think we could almost do to promote the fact there

8          is a balance to be had for people who don't have children.

These extracts are interesting in that it is parents, rather than women or moth­ers, who are viewed as potentially causing a backlash. This is consistent with findings that if fathers make use of flexible working policies, charges of unfairness and worries of a backlash become transferred from women to parents (Haas and Hwang, 1995; Lewis, 1991). Perceptions of unfairness in work-life balance policies lead to, or are feared to lead to, a backlash against workers with family responsibilities, and when men are included more in these policies, it appears from this data that the backlash does not disappear, it is merely shifted onto parents. This may be construed as a rather perverse step forward in gender equity, but is likely to be a deterrent to both men and women from taking up flexible working policies. These extracts demonstrate the problematic results of reformulating binaries in less obviously gendered ways, for example using parent/non-parent rather than woman/man.

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Volume 12 Number 2 March 2005




In Extracts 9 and 10, the woman promotes fairness between parents and non-parents over policies that aim to make life easier for new working par­ents. Issues of whether the highly gendered division of childcare and domes­tic labour underlying these 'choices' is fair (Dally, 1996) are not apparent in these discourses.


In this article, we have explored current discourses utilized by managers and by employees, about gender, flexible working patterns, gender equality, and work-life. We investigated the extent and consequences of the use of 'gen­derblind' terms for equality, specifically in these studies, the terms 'flexible working', 'flexibility' and 'work-life balance'. We aimed to discover whether, in these organizations, the genderblind terms were an aid or a hindrance to feminist goals of advancing gender equality. While we came to the data with feminist notions of gender and careers, the participants in these studies predominantly framed their responses within a gender-neutral account of organizations. Our analysis suggests that masking or minimizing gender differences within gender-neutral language does not, as a strategy, appear to be working as a means for advancing gender equality. In other words, men do not normally 'do' flexible working and work-life balance, any more than they did family-friendly working.

We found that the de-gendered terms do not in practice change the wide­spread assumption within organizations by managers and employees, both women and men, that these issues are strongly linked to women. Both terms are overwhelmingly used in connection to working women with families. Some evidence of 'diversity' discourses can be seen in the data. Viewing deci­sions about working hours, parenting and childcare as individual freely­made choices, is acceptable given a gender-neutral society, a 'level playing field'. However, while both women and men participants regularly construct these 'choices' as primarily choices for women, our analysis suggests that the gender-neutral language of diversity and choice is not adequately addressing highly gendered patterns of living and working. Of particular note is the way women feel compelled to work like men to succeed, to the extent of doing 'macho maternity'. These practices are seen by many women as essential both to be accepted as a core member of the organization (rather than being relegated to the 'mommy track'), and to minimize charges of a backlash.

We are not advocating a return to 'woman-friendly' or 'family-friendly' terms. Poststructuralist feminist approaches of challenging the underlying assumptions and binaries on which workplace culture and policies are based offer potential alternatives. Some recent attempts to change language and discourses around work-family issues have been aiming to move on from gendered binaries towards a lasting cultural shift (Rapoport et al., 2002)

Volume 12 Number 2 March 2005

© Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2005




though our analysis demonstrates how hard this is to do in practice. As noted in the introduction (Butler, 1990; Grosz, 1990) attempts to change or reclaim language are often likely to fail as we attempt this from within a dominant, gendered discourse.

Liff and Cameron (1997) argue for a change of emphasis to viewing 'orga­nizations not women who have the problems' (1997, p. 39). They suggest that overall attitudes will only get changed if men respond to the new opportu­nities offered to them. It appears to be vital to aim for a redefinition of central assumptions. For example, in the UK motherhood and maternity are viewed as a highly personal issue. Other countries have more successfully managed to begin to redefine of public and private spheres (Nyberg, 2003) with parent­ing and childhood viewed as a social issue rather than an individual choice. Guerrina (2001) suggests we find ways of allowing gender differences, for example maternity leave, as part of equal treatment. The Swedish approach of a long period of paid parental leave, of which two months has to be taken by each parent, or be lost, demonstrates an attempt to de-gender parenthood and caring responsibilities, in contrast to the UK system of six months' paid maternity leave but a minimal (two weeks) paid leave available to fathers (Nyberg, 2003). Some UK organizations have implemented unpaid leave and flexible working opportunities policies available for all employees, although in practice patterns of leave-taking remain highly gendered (Smithson et al., 2004). It is likely that in a context where many more men do take part in flex­ible working schemes such as parental leave agreements, a backlash becomes less of a deterrent as flexible working is normalized (Brandth and Kvande, 2002). These practical approaches to policy and organizational change reflect poststructuralist notions of providing new stories and metaphors (Hughes, 2002; Moi, 1999).

It is also important to acknowledge the existence of multiple identities, or subjectivities (Butler, 1990). A mother is not 'just' a mother: she will have other identities not shared with all other mothers in the workplace, while non-mothers may have significant caring responsibilities too. Similarly, debates about, say, 'macho maternity', need to consider not just the length of the mother's maternity leave but who else is caring for the child, and par­ticularly the father's time and caring involvement. Butler emphasizes how the very thinking of what is possible in gendered life is foreclosed by certain habitual and violent presumptions. This is the case not just for organizational members but also for us as researchers.

There are limitations on what can be concluded from a small-scale study.

However, from this analysis, we can conclude that changing the terminology of equality does not in itself contribute significantly to advancing gender equality within this type of organization. Using gender-neutral terms may be an essential step towards changing organizational culture (Liff and Ward, 2001) but the effects of these changes is negligible without far wider cultural changes within organizations and in wider society.

© Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2005

Volume 12 Number 2 March 2005





An earlier version of this article was presented at the June 2001 Gender, Work and Organization conference in Keele. Study' A' was funded by the Tedworth Foundation. The research was carried out by the first author and also by Julia Brannen, (Thomas Coram Research Unit, University of London), Suzan Lewis (Department of Psychol­ogy, Manchester Metropolitan University), Peter Moss (Thomas Coram Research Unit, University of London) and Lucy McCarragher (Work-Life Research Centre). Study 'B' was funded by the Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales. The research was carried out by the first author and also by Jackie Dyer (UMIST School of Management), Suzan Lewis (Department of Psychology, Manchester Metropolitan University) and Cary Cooper, University of Lancaster.


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Martin, P.Y. and Collinson, D. (2002) 'Over the pond and across the water': developing the field of 'gendered organizations'. Gender, Work & Organization, 9,3, 244--65.

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Job Description for Applications Engineering Manager I

I Need Help With Homework

ELEG-548: Low Power VLSI Circuit Design, Spring 2018, Homework #2.


1. (20’) A CMOS inverter is shown in Figure 1. Assume for every clock cycle Tclk=100ns, one test pattern is applied at input. For time period t=0~2800ns, the output waveform is shown in the figure. Vdd=5V, threshold voltage of NMOS/PMOS transistor: Vtn=-Vtp=0.8V, load capacitance CL=1.2pF.

1). Find the average switching activity Asw , 0 1 switching probability α01, and 10 switching probability α10 of output signal Vout during time period t=0~2800ns.

2). If only transition power is considered, during time period t=0~2800ns, how much energy is drawn from voltage source Vdd? How much total thermal energy (heat) is generated?

3). Find the average transition power Ptran_avg of output node (out) during time period t=0~2800ns. 4). Given input rising/falling time: tr=tf=0.1ns, maximum short circuit current at input rising/falling transition: Iscmaxr=Iscmaxf=0.2µA. Calculate the average short circuit power Psc_avg of the CMOS inverter during time period t=0~2800ns.

5). If load capacitance CL is increased to 10pF, will the average transition power Ptran_ avg at output node be increased or decreased? Why? Will the average short-circuit power Psc_avg of the CMOS inverter be increased or decreased? Why? Please use 2~3 sentences to briefly explain the reason for each case.






Figure 1. CMOS inverter


2. (15’) For short circuit power Psc of an inverter in Figure 2, if input Vin has a 10 switching,










Figure 2. Inverter with load capacitance CL

1). If the size (W/L ratio) of the transistors increases, will the short circuit power be increased or decreased? Why? Does this change the time period (tE- tB) or the peak value of short-circuit current, or both? If we want to reduce the lasting period (tE-tB) of the short-circuit current, what should we do?

2). If input Vin has a 10 switching, which transistor current (Idsp of PMOS or Idsn of NMOS) will be the bottle neck to decide the overall short-circuit current? If the load capacitance CL increases, will the short circuit current be increased or decreased? Why? Please draw a figure to explain it.


3). Assume 50 consecutive input patterns are applied to the inverter, and each pattern lasts for 20ns. During this time period T=1000ns, the inverter input makes 12 rising transitions and 12 falling transitions. Given Vdd=5V, Vtp =-0.7V, Vtn=0.8V, input rising time tr=0.1ns, input falling time tf=0.2ns, maximum short-circuit current for input rising transition is Iscmaxr=60nA, maximum short-circuit current for input falling transition is Iscmaxf=80nA. What is the total short-circuit energy Esc consumed during this time period? What is the average short circuit power Psc_avg during this time period T=1000ns?


3.(15’) Consider a VLSI chip with 400 million transistors. It consists of both static CMOS logic



gates and memory. Among them, there are 300 million logic gate transistors with average transistor width of 12λ/transistor, and 100 million memory transistors with average transistor width of 4λ/transistor. Assume that clock signal is routed on a metal layer with average width of 1.6µm and overall length of 40mm. The parasitic capacitance of metal layer for clock wire is 1fF/µm2. Assume Vdd=5V, feature size of fabrication process is 2λ=64nm, gate capacitance per transistor width Cg=2fF/mm. For static CMOS logic gates, average switching activity Asw=0.4, for memory arrays, the average switching activity Asw=0.2; for clock wire, average switching activity Asw=2. The VLSI chip works at frequency f=2.2GHz. Neglect other wire capacitance except the clock wire. What is the average transition power Ptran of the VLSI chip? (Hint: Total transition power = logic transition power + memory transition power + clock wire transition power)


4.(15’) The reverse-biased PN-junction leakage currents in a 2-input CMOS NAND gate is shown in Figure 3, and their values can be calculated from equation:


Ireverse     IS  eV /Vth     1


where Is: reverse saturation current of PN-junction, V: applied voltage across PN-junction (negative if it’s reverse-biased), Vth: thermal voltage, Vth=kT/q, where k=1.38×10-23J/K (Boltzmann’s constant), q=1.6×10-19C (electron charge), T: temperature. Assume room temperature: T=300K, Vdd=5V, Gnd=0V. For static input pattern AB=10 (i.e. VA=5V, VB=0V), mark the “ON” or “OFF” state for each transistor, and mark the voltages at nodes “Out” and “M” in the figure. Assume for each PN-junction IS=6.2fA, find the reverse-biased PN-junction leakage currents Ireverse1 , Ireverse2, Ireverse3, Ireverse4=? Mark the flowing paths of non-zero reverse-biased PN-junction leakage currents in the figure (i.e. where do they come from, where they flow to, as well as the flowing path).

















Figure 3. Reverse-biased PN-junction leakage currents in a 2-input CMOS NAND gate


5.(15’)A CMOS 2-input AND gate is shown in Figure 4. If we wish to use PSPICE power simulation to simulate its average power consumption for time period T=400ns. During this time period, 4 input patterns were input to the AND gate, with each pattern lasting for 100ns. Assume Vdd=5V.

1). Draw the schematic for the PSPICE power simulation circuit. You need to clearly draw the AND gate and the auxiliary power measurement circuitry in transistor level, and the connection between them. Please do NOT use a block diagram to represent the original circuit.

2). Assume in power measurement circuitry, R=800k, C=120pF, what value should the controlling coefficient (K) of the current controlled current source be set to?


3). After PSPICE power simulation, the voltage waveform across the capacitance C is shown in Figure 5. From figure 5, what is the average power consumption Pavg and total energy consumption E of the AND gate during time period T=400ns? What is the average power consumption Pavg and



total energy consumption E of the AND gate during time period t=0~280ns? Shade the area in Figure 5 which represents the energy consumption of the AND gate during time period t=0~280ns.









Figure 4. A CMOS 2-input AND gate














Figure 5. PSPICE power simulation curve


6.(20’) Consider a CMOS logic circuit (implemented using static CMOS technology) driving a 0.2pF load as shown in Figure 6. Also, the characteristics of the cell library are shown below. Input capacitance of a gate is the parasitic capacitance between each input and ground; output capacitance of a gate is the parasitic capacitance between each output and ground. Assume all inputs are uncorrelated and random, i.e., the probability for each input to be “1” (“1” probability) is:


p(A)=p(B)=p(C)=p(D)= 0.5

1). Find the “1” probabilities for nodes E, F, G.

2). Calculate switching capacitances for nodes A, B, C, D, E, F, G.

3). Assume Vdd=5V, clock frequency (the frequency of applied patterns) fclk=1MHz. Calculate average switching power for the whole circuit. (Hint: total switching power of a circuit is the sum of the switching power of all the nodes.)

Table 1. Characteristics of 0.8μm CMOS cell library


Gate type


Output Capacitance(fF)

Input Capacitance (fF)

Average delay (ns)


























Figure 6. A CMOS logic circuit


Due: 02/28/2018 (Wednesday) in class.



ELEG-548: Low Power VLSI Circuit Design, Spring 2018, Homework #2.


Figure 9.1 - Bootstrap Source Follower


Experiment 9 - Source Follower Amplifier     Page 89




Source Follower Amplifier




The purpose of this experiment is to become familiar with the source follower FET amplifier specifically the type referred to as a bootstrap source follower amplifier.


1.0 Discussion


The source follower FET amplifier has the same configuration as the emitter follower BJT amplifier. Some of the characteristics of the source follower are:


1.  Voltage gain less than or equal to unity


2.  High current gain


3.  Very high input impedance


4.  Low output impedance


5.  Output in phase with input

The Bootstrap source follower (Figure 9.1) is a special variation of the source follower in which the bias is developed across part of the source resistor. This eliminates the need for a capacitor bypass across RS2 and thus reflects a much larger input impedance than normally can be obtained when only R1 is used. The design takes advantage of the FETs intrinsic high impedance without requiring a high value for the gate resistor, RG. The larger RG is, the more leakage current there will be, and gate leakage current causes instability.


Different FETs exhibit different leakage currents which, in turn, cause different currents in RG . Thus, the voltage drop across RG is not constant, and the amplifier gain is not constant. If RG is large, this problem can have a significant effect on amplifier stability.


1.1 ac Operation


The expressions for voltage gain, current gain, and input impedance are derived using the ac equivalent circuit in Fig. 9.2.

Page 90 Experiment 9 - Source Follower Amplifier


The expressions are presented here in final form only:


Voltage Gain:






Current Gain:







Input Resistance



















Figure 9.2 - ac Equivalent Circuit for Source Follower










Also, the value of the RG resistor is given by:









1.2 dc Operation


The gate-source loop equation is:


(assume the I in RG is zero)


The drain-source loop equation is:



1.3    Bootstrap Amplifier Design


1.   Choose the Q point on the most linear portion of the characteristic curve plot. (This information may be provided for you).

Experiment 9 - Source Follower Amplifier                                                                               Page 91


2. Determine gm either from the specs or using  .


In these problems, you will be given VDD, RL, and Zin.


3.  Use Equation 9.5 to find RS1.


4.  Use Equation 9.6 to find RS2.


5.  Choose RG for the Zin criterion using Equation 9.4.


6.  Calculate Ai from Equation 9.2.


7.  Find Av from Equation 9.1 or the gain-impedance formula.


2.0    Preparatory Work


The following problems require the use of the circuit in Figure 9.1.


2.1 If VDD = 12 (V), RL = 1 kS, and Rin = 1 MS, find RS1, RS2, and RG. Choose the Q point of VDS = 6 (V), ID = 6.1 mA, VGS = 0.8(V) and gm = 3.33 mS-1. Calculate the voltage and


current gain.


2.2  If a resistor were placed in the drain circuit, what effect would it have on the operation of the bootstrap circuit?


2.3  Why will gate leakage current cause instability?


2.4  Why is the bootstrap circuit used instead of a standard source follower?


2.5   If VDD = 20 (V), RL = 5 kS, and Rin = 400 kS, find RG, Ai, and Av for the circuit with Q point coordinates: VDS = 10 (V), VGS = 1 (V), ID = 2 mA, and 1/gm = 500 S.


2.6  Which parameters would change in Problem 2.5 if Rin = 100 kS?


2.7  If a 1 kS RD resistor were placed in the circuit in Problem 2.5, what effect would it have on the amplifier gain? On the value of RG?

Page 92 Experiment 9 - Source Follower Amplifier


3.0    Procedure


3.1         Wire the circuit in Fig. P-9.1 as determined from calculation when the Q-point has been selected.





*Pick a Q point from the characteristic curve when VDS = 6(V). Determine R1, R2 and RG. Select resistors as close as possible from your kit.


Use FET 2N5951 and the values for RG, RS1, and RS2 selected from your kit. Use a decade box for RTest.







Figure P9.1





3.2 Measure VDS, VGS, and ID. Compare the measured values with those calculated in 3.1. If there is a large discrepancy (greater than 20%) connect a variable resistor in place of RS2 to adjust the Q point position. Record the final (adjusted) values of VDS, VGS and ID.


3.3 Set RTEST = 1 kS. Apply a 1 kHz signal

*To find current gain, use


to Vin and increase signal amplitude until

output current =


distortion just begins at the output, Vout. At


the point just before distortion begins,



measure and record input voltage (both Va



and Vin) output voltage, voltage gain, and

input current =


current gain.






3.4 Repeat step 3 with the applied signal frequency equal to: 50 Hz, 100 Hz, 500 Hz, 10 kHz, and 20 kHz.




3.5    Set the frequency to 1 kHz and

Experiment 9 - Source Follower Amplifier                                                                               Page 93


measure the input impedance. The usual voltage division method will not work in this case because the FET input impedance is so high. In a normal circuit, you can use

















Figure P9.2


The scope impedance 2 is so high with


respect to Zin that Zscope Zin is very nearly Zin. When Zscope is approximately equal to Zin (as in the FET case), the input


impedance you measure2 with the voltage division method is Zscope Zin.














Figure P9.3


We have, Zin  measured  = Zin  real2Zscope. The

technique is as follows: Use voltage division to find Zin measured (equal Zin in Figure P-9.2). Use voltage division with only the scope as the load and measure

Page 94 Experiment 9 - Source Follower Amplifier


Zscope.Use your measured values of Zin and

Zscope to solve this equation for the actual


Zin(Zin real).


3.6 Repeat step 5 with the applied signal frequency equal to: 50 Hz, 500 Hz, 5 kHz, and 20 kHz.


4.0    Analysis


4.1    Compare the selected VDS, VGS and ID to those values measured in your circuit. Note the value of RS2 used to achieve your final Q point. Is this value different than your calculated



4.2     Compare the voltage gain, current gain, and input impedance at 1 kHz to the values calculated. Find the percent error in your values.


4.3   Plot voltage gain, current gain, and input impedance as functions of frequency. (Plot each variable separately).

Source Follower Amplifier

Ximing Shen


Lab Analysis #1



                                                                                                Lab 1.2 Coulomb ‘s Law

1.      Introduction

The aim of the experiment is to practice Coulomb’s Law. More specifically, it is to visualize that the same charge repels each other and opposite charge attract each other. And try to find the mathematical relationship between the distance of two charge and the static electric force.


2.      Methods

In this lab, we used a pre-recorded video to continue testing the Coulomb’s Law. We downloaded a short movie from canvas then imported it into the Logger Pro. We set the initial position of the suspended ball as zero. Then we played the video frame by frame and mark the location of attached ball as q2 and the other as q1. We calculate the distance between q1 and q2 as r, and calculate the Felec. Recorded them into Excel.


3.      Data

Unite is m,N


4.      Calculations

Math Model


General expression


For the electric force


The charges on each object use last equation

   (.0001167594*(q^2) *8.99*10^9)/0.490103852^2

    =6.691716035*10^-8 C


5.      Results and Analysis

In the second lab, we got a lot of useful data. The type of model looks like intercepts because distance closer, force larger. The interaction between the two stationary point charges is proportional to the product of their charge quantities, inversely to their distance of two times, and the direction of the force is in their connection, the same charge repels, and the name of the charge is absorbed.

Lab Analysis Guidelines


The purpose of this assignment is to work on analyzing data, drawing meaningful conclusions from the data, and supporting the conclusions with evidence and physical reasoning.




       Present your data/results (usually a graph or multiple graphs).


       Include units on all numeric values included in the analysis.

       Report the measured and theoretical values for any constant measured from the data (e.g. the acceleration due to gravity), as well as the percent difference.


       State the source of the theoretical value.




       On graphs, include axis labels, units, a title and description (e.g. Figure 1. Graph showing… See how figures are presented in our book for examples.),